There are 21 days until the Pennsylvania primary where once again we get to have an all night pundit party (I’ve actually begun to miss Paul Begala a little bit). Once again we will have hours of cable networks showing off their cool graphics, dramatic music, long speeches from the candidates about moving forward to Indiana and North Carolina, what they have learned in Pennsylvania. And of course they will mention the people they have touched – the waitress without healthcare, the factory worker whose job has been shipped overseas, etc.
What we have to remember is that this is no longer about electoral politics – well, not in the conventional sense of the term. Pennsylvania, Indiana, North Carolina, Oregon, Kentucky, Montana and Puerto Rico (just to name a few) are holding primaries but the outcomes mean very little. It is almost impossible for Hillary Clinton to catch up with Barack Obama in the pledged delegate count and it is damn near impossible for either Clinton or Obama to get the necessary 2,024 delegates needed to claim the party nomination without having this getting to the backroom politics. And while some Obama surrogates are suggesting that Hillary Clinton needs to drop out, Bill Clinton is saying that we need to “chill out” and let the process continue as is.
Both camps know that this will come down to the superdelegates – those 796 party elite (and not so elite) automatic delegates that each candidate has been courting like crazy. There are approximately 257 superdelegates remaining who have yet to declare themselves for either candidate, but even those who are declared are able to change their mind whenever they please. And their decision is made by them, not by how voters in their home state or district decided. With nothing set in stone, all these delegates are put in the bizarre position of deciding amongst themselves who will be the Democratic Party nominee.
On Sunday March 16 The New York Times ran a front-page story about the fear among those undecided superdelegates who are nervous about their inevitable role. While at the time of the article many said they will let the process play out and eventually one of the candidates would step aside, now it is no longer clear that will happen. Without Florida or Michigan being counted, it will never be certain who the people’s nominee is. Thus, Hillary Clinton (the candidate who is behind in the popular vote and delegate count) is unwavering in her determination to play this to the end. The superdelegates are already faced with the daunting task of deciding what the best choice is for the party. Without Florida and Michigan being counted, we can’t say with any certainity who is or should be considered the “will of the voters.” It’s a mess.
The superdelegates are forced to look at their choice in terms of who is the strongest nominee against John McCain but also who is the best nominee for themselves. Many of these superdelegates are up for reelection and whether they like it or not, they have to think in terms of whose coattails they want to be riding. It was clear for a while that Obama had less negatives than Clinton and therefore could be the safer candidate atop the ticket. Once Jeremiah Wright’s soundbytes started playing, however, superdelegates (along with supporters) got nervous and although there are more hits on Obama’s speech on Youtube than any Wright sermon, fears haven’t entirely been quelled.
Of course, once the Wright controversy began to die down, then Clinton got herself into her own controversy over the rememberances that she faced enemy sniper fire during a trip to Bosnia when she was First Lady, while video has since been shown that her recpetion was extremely friendly. If Hillary’s argument is that she is tested on foreign policy because of her experience as first lady, then this argument took a shot. And it left undecided superdelegates further confused.
For all the controversy over these superdelegates determining the nominee, it is important to recognize is that this is exactly how the system was designed to work. There was a time when all we had were delegates that took care of the nominating process for us (Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson walked into the 1952 Democratic National Convention as a non-candidate and walked out as the nominee). With the establishment of a primary system to select the nominee, Democrats found themeselves with George McGovern (loser of 49 states in 1972) and Jimmy Carter (a less than successful president). That’s when the Democratic Party saw a need for “adult supervision” after the mediocrity of George McGovern and Jimmy Carter in the 1970s. Superdelegates were introduced in 1984 to be the gatekeepers for the general election (and look how successful Walter Mondale turned out to be!) But here we are, 24 years later, with a race that is exceptionally close and between two outstanding and formidable candidates.
We’ve also reached a point where a sizable chun of each candidate’s supporters say that if their choice is no the nominee come November they are saying they will either sit the election out or vote for John McCain. No matter who the delegates choose, a large chunk of the Democratic Party is going to be angry or disappointed.
Both Howard Dean and Nancy Pelosi have been practically pleading for this to be resolved well before the convention comes around. But it remains unclear whether we will know for sure who the Democratic nominee is by mid-June. While I cannot predict what will happen, I have to say that that nothing sounds more threatening or intimidating than getting into a back room with any of the big players attached to the Clinton campaign (Bill Clinton, for one). The Clinton campaign – as we have seeen throughout this primary season – will do whateverit takes to win. They will embark on the most aggressive (and some say even dirty) courtship of superdelegates we have ever seen.
Is this democratic? No, but its politics.